"We the people of Zimbabwe cherish the ideals of freedom and justice in our quest for a multi racial, multi ethnic society founded upon the principles of fairness, equity, compassion and brotherhood. In our pursuit of freedom we acknowledge the supremacy of God and the dignity of man in a nation, which envisages equal opportunities for all Zimbabweans. We therefore affirm our commitment to this charter, the Zimbabwe Freedom Charter."

A high-powered African National Congress delegation led by Deputy President Jacob Zuma met with the Inkatha Freedom Party leadership in Durban to look at ways to repair damaged relations between the two coalition partners ahead of the elections. The meeting was held at a presidential guest house in Morningside, Durban, on Tuesday, and came as relations between the two parties reached the lowest point.

Frustrated Cameroonians have been out on the streets protesting at a massive fraud scandal affecting the national post office. Frustrated account holders stopped traffic and paralysed activities in the capital, Yaounde, after they were unable to withdraw savings and salaries. The post office's director general Guilaume Ejange says about $580,000 has been lost in the scandal, but savers fear the figure is much higher.

* This is the text of a speech by author and activist Arundhati Roy at the opening Plenary of the World Social Forum in Mumbai on January 16, 2004.*

Last January thousands of us from across the world gathered in Porto Allegre in Brazil and declared — reiterated — that "Another World is Possible". A few thousand miles north, in Washington, George Bush and his aides were thinking the same thing.

Our project was the World Social Forum. Theirs — to further what many call The Project for the New American Century. In the great cities of Europe and America, where a few years ago these things would only have been whispered, now people are openly talking about the good side of Imperialism and the need for a strong Empire to police an unruly world. The new missionaries want order at the cost of justice. Discipline at the cost of dignity. And ascendancy at any price. Occasionally some of us are invited to `debate' the issue on `neutral' platforms provided by the corporate media. Debating Imperialism is a bit like debating the pros and cons of rape. What can we say? That we really miss it?

In any case, New Imperialism is already upon us. It's a remodelled, streamlined version of what we once knew. For the first time in history, a single Empire with an arsenal of weapons that could obliterate the world in an afternoon has complete, unipolar, economic and military hegemony. It uses different weapons to break open different markets. There isn't a country on God's earth that is not caught in the cross hairs of the American cruise missile and the IMF chequebook. Argentina's the model if you want to be the poster-boy of neoliberal capitalism, Iraq if you're the black sheep. Poor countries that are geo-politically of strategic value to Empire, or have a `market' of any size, or infrastructure that can be privatized, or, god forbid, natural resources of value — oil, gold, diamonds, cobalt, coal — must do as they're told, or become military targets.

* Read the rest of this speech by clicking on the link below.

The Genetic Engineering (GE) industry is facing a shrinking global market as more and more countries adopt biosafety laws and GE labelling regulations. Moreover, as a result of widespread and mounting consumer rejection and the difficulties experienced by Monsanto in obtaining regulatory approval of its GE wheat, it has decided to pull out of the European cereal market.

Africa and Asia are the new frontiers for exploitation by the agro-chemical, seed and GE corporations. The potential for US agri-business to profit from hunger in Africa through, ostensibly the provision of food aid, technical assistance, capital investment, agricultural research and the funding of biosafety initiatives are enormous. The United States' Agency for International Development (USAID) appears to be at the forefront of a US marketing campaign to introduce GE food into the developing world. It has made it clear that it sees its role as having to "integrate biotechnology into local food systems and spread the technology through regions in Africa."[1]

Through USAID, in collaboration with the GE industry and several groups involved in GE research in the developed world, the US government is funding various initiatives aimed at biosafety regulation and decision-making in Africa, which if successful, may put in place weak biosafety regulation and oversight procedures. USAID is also heavily involved in funding various GE research projects in a bid to take control of African agricultural research.[2]

Biosafety under threat

The Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety finally came into force, after years of negotiation, on 11 September 2003. This international binding environmental agreement is specifically designed to protect human health, the environment and biodiversity from the risks posed by GMOs. It was countries from the South, and the African group in particular, that consistently championed biosafety and reaffirmed the right of importing countries to ban or severely restrict imports of GMOs in the face of scientific uncertainty, based on the precautionary principle. To date, 65 countries have ratified the Protocol, with many more ratifications expected before the first Meeting of the Parties to the Protocol takes place February 2004, in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia[3]. Only 18 countries in Africa have so far ratified the Protocol[4] but many more could be persuaded to do so, in order for them to qualify for one or other of the numerous biosafety capacity building initiatives taking place on the continent.

However, the hard earned victories won under the Biosafety Protocol may be under serious threat from these GE 'biosafety' initiatives. There is an ever present danger that African countries will be overwhelmed by the volley of technical experts they are peppered with by USAID and GE industry money and expertise, that they will succumb, despite their valid concerns, to these formidable forces. The fad is the drafting of national biosafety frameworks. With their failure to prevent the Biosafety Protocol from coming into existence, the opportunity to exploit the implementation of the Biosafety Protocol to promote weak and ineffective biosafety legal regimes and redirect capacity building towards GE rather than biosafety, has been seized in an attempt to garner much needed support for this dangerous technology.

Examples of USAID's Biosafety Initiatives in Africa

* USAID through the Association to Strengthen Agricultural Research in East and Central Africa (ASARECA) facilitates collaborative research between their 10 member countries[5], US public and private sectors and international agricultural research centres. It has developed a model for regional technical reviews within these member countries in close collaboration with national biosafety focal points.[6] The concern is that this initiative may well be used as a launching pad to foster regional acceptance of GE through weak biosafety regulations, and thereby promote the technology transfer and private sector investment in GE in Africa.

* USAID's Agricultural Biotechnology Support Project (ABSP) has established a partnership with seven Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries - Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe - to similarly provide technical training in biosafety regulatory implementation. Its ostensible goal is to promote conformity with the science-based standards of the World Trade Organisation's Sanitary and Phyotosanitary agreement and the Biosafety Protocol.[7] Needless to say, taking into account the US's WTO challenge of the European Union's de facto moratorium on GMOs, it is anticipated that every attempt will be made to ensure that biosafety regulations are consistent with the US interpretation of the WTO rules, rather than the Biosafety Protocol.

* USAID has awarded the Program for Biosafety Systems (PBS), a consortium, $14.8 million to assist developing countries to enhance Biosafety policy, research, and capacity.[8] Included in this list of developing countries are a number of countries in East and West Africa. The International Service for National Agricultural Research (ISNAR) heads the consortium. The consortium is reported as having amongst its goals, the rendering of assistance "to governments in making science-based decisions about the effects on biodiversity of introducing GMOs into the environment" and assisting such countries in regulating and conducting experimental field trials. If this is the case, then these goals are preposterous as they are unashamedly aimed at usurping decision-making powers of countries and their sovereign rights to perform regulatory functions. It is extremely ironic that the US, still not a Party to the Convention on Biological Diversity and cannot therefore ratify the Biosafety Protocol (and will not do so in the foreseeable future) should want to promote biosafety in Africa and the implementation of the Biosafety Protocol.

It appears that the US and the GE industry are pursuing a well-orchestrated strategy in Africa to lower resistance to GE and gain acceptance of this extremely controversial technology. These initiatives may be given considerable impetus by the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) plan to establish a high level advisory panel aimed at "facilitating trade in GM products between African countries by harmonizing biosafety regulations". [9] However, this panel has not yet been established and its terms of reference made public. The direction that such panel would therefore take will reveal itself in the future.

It is worthwhile also to mention that the United Nation's Environmental Program (UNEP) with funding from the Global Environmental Facility (GEF) is conducting a worldwide capacity building project involving more than 100 developing countries, several from Africa.[10] The main objective of this project is "the preparation of National Biosafety Frameworks in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Biosafety Protocol."[11] Its overall efficacy in capacitating African countries to establish sound biosafety frameworks remains to be seen. Crucially, the nature of its linkages with the USAID/GE industry biosafety projects if any will also become apparent with the passage of time.

Finally, what remains to be seen, is the extent to which South Africa's biosafety law will be used as a basis to harmonise biosafety laws on the continent. Zimbabwe, the only other country aside from South who has biosafety laws in Africa has already followed South Africa's example. South Africa's Genetically Modified Organisms Act is a poor example of biosafety regulation.[12] It is in effect, merely a permitting system designed to expedite GM imports into the country and releases into the environment. It specifically mandates that biosafety risk assessment involve no more than a paper audit, which entails a review of the 'safety' information generated by the corporations during product development.

Africa's redeeming assets

While on the surface, this picture appears bleak; there is a groundswell of NGOs, consumers, farmers, government officials, parliamentarians and scientists opposing GE in Africa. Benin for example, has imposed a moratorium on the imports and cultivation of GMOs.

Last year, several countries in Southern Africa resisted and seriously questioned the donation by the US through USAID, of GE food aid. Zambia refused to accept the food aid and effectively took a decision to ban the distribution of food aid within its borders. Malawi, Mozambique and Zimbabwe requested that all US imported GE maize be milled prior to distribution in order to prevent its inadvertent use as seed. Lesotho and Swaziland authorized the distribution of non-milled GE aid but not before it warned the public that the grain should be used strictly for consumption and not cultivation. This saga played an important role in heightening the debate within Africa on the health, social, economic and environmental impacts of GE crops. An offshoot of this is the publication by the SADC Advisory Committee on Biotechnology and Biosafety of their recommendations regarding GE food aid. These are significant because a key recommendation is that donors of GE food aid should comply with Prior Informed Consent principles and the notification requirements of the Biosafety Protocol. This is extremely important, given that the World Food Program has admitted that it has, since 1996 been delivering food aid that included GE food products, without warning the recipient countries.[13] It also calls for the African region to develop harmonized policy and regulatory systems based on the OAU African Model Law on Safety in Biotechnology (Model Law), and the Biosafety Protocol.

The Model Law is a set of holistic and stringent biosafety rules drafted by a number of African biosafety experts crafted specifically to protect Africa's biodiversity, environment and the health of its people from the risks posed by GMOs. The African Union Summit held in Maputo during July 2003 pointedly encouraged African countries to use the Model Law as a basis for biosafety regulation.[14] The adoption of the Model Law in Africa will give countries leverage to resist attempts by the powerful GE industry to use Africa as experimental and dumping grounds for their products. Africa's biodiversity and the health of its people, can only be protected from the risks posed by GMOs if Africa as a whole, subscribes to common and uniform biosafety standards, based on the precautionary principle.

These gems are important contributions towards maximizing Africa's chances to limit the risks posed by GE. It is clear, however, that much needs to be done. One of the key challenges for African civil society in particular, is to embark on strategies and initiatives directed at influencing and shaping policy, legislative and procedural frameworks on the continent and engage national and regional bodies such as SADC and NEPAD.

* Mariam Mayet is an environmental lawyer, with a BA, LLB, LLM (Wits) and heads the African Centre for Biosafety. This article was published in the current edition of the Third World Resurgence, Issue NO. 159-160. It is reproduced here with permission of the author. Click on the link below for references.

Three years after the end of Sierra Leone's devastating civil war, the living conditions of the majority of the people is getting worse by the day, as the economy shows no signs of picking up. "These are indeed troubling times," explains Ibrahim Sesay, a spokesperson for the Consumers Association of Sierra Leone in the capital Freetown. "The cost of living has skyrocketed and people are suffering, with unemployment on the increase, low incomes and rising costs of goods on the market," Sesay adds.

Nigeria's creditors have for the first time acknowledged the country's pressing need for debt relief. The Director-General of the Debt Management Office (DMO) Muhtar Mansar said: "The IMF have done a very detailed study on debt sustainability analysis, taking into account Nigeria's budget projection situation and it shows that Nigeria really needs debt relief." He also said that there was a lot of sympathy for Nigeria on the issue, particularly from the UK, the country's largest creditor from the Paris Club. Twenty-five per cent of Nigeria's Paris Club debt belongs to the UK.

The six-day World Social Forum (WSF) which concluded in Mumbai Wednesday, highlighted the need for urgent action, beginning with a global anti-war march on March 20, and a movement against the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank between April 22-25, which marks the 60th anniversary of the two institutions. The forum that attracted 100,000 participants from 132 countries closed with cultural performances and messages of solidarity from across the world.

Smarting from the second bribery scandal of its term, the Senate is making efforts to establish a code of conduct through which the actions and inactions of its members will be assessed. The chairman of the Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges and Public Petitions, Senator Olorunnimbe Mamora, said his committee was perfecting the code of conduct that would serve the Senate. He said his committee would be relying on Order 96 (4c) empowering it to "recommend to the Senate from time to time such administrative actions as it may deem appropriate to establish and enforce standards of official conduct for the senators."

The ruling Zanu PF party's talk and hype about stamping out corruption in Zimbabwe is just "a puff in the wind" meant to hoodwink gullible voters as the country prepares for next year's general elections, analysts have said. The analysts, who spoke to The Standard, expressed scepticism about Zanu PF's commitment to weed out corruption and also questioned the timing of the anti-corruption drive.

Residents of South African townships reconnect their neighbours' electricity under the slogan “Power to the People.” In Arequipa, Peru, moves to sell electricity companies bring the mayor out on hunger strike and demonstrators blocking the airport runway. 10 million strike in India in protest against bank privatisation. These are but a few examples of the growing resistance to privatisation being forced on the developing world by the G8, International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. The recent strengthening of GATS has led to growing fears about the entrenchment and irreversibility of some privatisation processes. Water lies at the heart of the issues, writes Jo Kuper, a researcher at War on Want.

The almost instant success that James A. Baker III has had in his international lobbying to have Iraq's debt forgiven raises an uncomfortable comparison: how little has been done to relieve the African debt that cripples some of the world's poorest countries. Since the mid-1990s, advocacy groups have been pushing for the cancellation of the debt that has left African countries starved of funds to fight AIDS, address poverty and improve education and health systems. Activists charge that the contrast between progress on Iraqi debt and the paralysis of debt-relief programs for Africa reflects the low priority Western nations often accord Africa. "When we started the global Jubilee movement in 1996, the analysis was that debt cancellation happens largely for political reasons," Gabriel said. "That was one of the things we wanted to challenge. We should not have debt cancellation for political interests or out of shallow charity. We were saying this is a question of justice, not charity." (Requires registration)

In a globalised world, the domestic politics of one country can affect many others. And nowhere is this more true than the United States - the only remaining superpower. With this in mind, a group of Dutch Internet users has set up theworldvotes.org, ahead of the November 2004 US presidential election. The website allows people from all over the world to cast a symbolic vote for the candidate of their choice. The creators of the website insist the non-profit initiative is neither anti-America nor anti-US President George W Bush. Instead, it recognises that US foreign policies affect countries and their citizens all around the world.

After the first phase of the WSIS (World Summit on the Information Society, Dec.10-12, 2003 in Geneva), a new initiative has been launched: Information Technologies and International Development will be the premier journal in its field, focusing on the intersection of information and communication technologies (ICT) with international development.

You will have at least 3 years' work experience in organisational development in NGOs or CBOs and proven experience in training/facilitation methodologies and direct training ability experience. You should have a degree or qualification in the area of Organisation and/or Management Development or in any other relevant discipline. You should have a working knowledge of the field of HIV & AIDS as a development and human rights issue and the ability to work and to analyse the work of small organisations and identify their training needs. Proven experience in and the ability to train people in Strategic Planning, Fundraising, and Monitoring & Evaluation is essential.

The rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) has begun to demobilise a large number of child soldiers in the volatile western Upper Nile region of the south, according to the United Nations Children's Fund. SPLM/A commanders had ordered the first batch of 94 children, during a ceremony in the village of Tam, to put down their weapons, return their uniforms, and go back to their families and schools, the agency said in a statement on Friday.

In the last two decades, Africa has witnessed complex but dynamic political struggles to invent a new culture of politics, and norms of political governance. These processes have attacked dominant orthodoxy, and forced entrenched political habits and old barriers to give way. This book interrogates Africa's current strides towards democracy and good governance, and the interposition of the civil society in the process.

Debt relief should be financed as it is more efficient than new aid, and because it reduces the burden of managing aid, argues this paper from the UN Economic Commission for Africa. The paper says that debt relief is an important source of finance for African countries but on its own will be woefully insufficient to allow African countries to finance the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and achieve long-term debt sustainability. The paper also examines the rationale for further debt relief and the ways in which debt relief can be financed.

Although decentralisation is often heralded as a means to promote democracy and poverty reduction, there is little reliable evidence to prove these claims. In fact, ruling parties and ethnic elites in Africa have used decentralisation to further strengthen their own power and influence at a local level. New research argues that on its own, decentralization will not reduce poverty. Just as important is an ideological commitment to the poor and democratic accountability.

The United Nations must spearhead a worldwide mobilization of conscience against racial intolerance in a time of globalization when the Internet is being used for both conciliation and divisiveness. The Acting High Commissioner for Human Rights Bertrand Ramcharan was speaking to the Commission on Human Rights working group against racism which is meeting in Geneva to follow up on the decisions taken at the anti-racism conference in Durban, South Africa, in 2001.