In order to secure reparations at a level able to redress the damage of Apartheid and racial oppression in all its manifestations, for all those affected, Jubilee South Africa, together with its partners in the popular movement, will initiate hearings where communities can express and define the scale and nature of reparations that satisfactorily address the past. This process will culminate in a People's Tribunal that will determine the people, institutions and businesses that must make reparations and the forms that these should take. In order to pressure big business into meeting their responsibility to make reparations, Jubilee, with its partners, will undertake a name and shame campaign against the monopolies that were fundamental to the apartheid system. In addition, we will identify specific companies and products that symbolise the role these corporations played in facilitating the development of apartheid, which will be targeted in a consumer boycott.

People charged with corruption can be found guilty even if the main charge has been disapproved in court following the amendment of the Prevention of Corruption Bill, security company GriffithsReid said. GriffithsReid managing director Jenny Reid said with the amendment people accused of graft could be found guilty of lesser charges even if not specifically charged with them and even if the evidence led in court did not prove the corruption charge against the accused.

Over the celebration of the birthday of Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, which begun on Friday 18th July 2003, and after the bash that took place on the 19th, the symbolic opening of the Nelson Mandela Bridge on Sunday was like putting a cherry on top of the cream. If you could ask a child from the street of Soweto, what is happening this weekend; he or she would have told you that it was the Madiba week. The atmosphere was registered in almost everyone's eyes you came across.

There may come a day when the G-8 protestors who daubed graffiti on the Geneva headquarters of the World Trade Organisation will find themselves pining for the much maligned WTO. At the Doha Round of world trade talks, the United States is already making plans for life without another multilateral institution. Last month, Robert Zoellick, the Bush Administration’s point-man on trade relations, told Reuters that the U.S. is building a “Coalition of liberalizers” in case the Doha Round doesn’t reach fruition. The impetus for the U.S.’s new go-it-alone posture was a decision last August by the U.S. Congress to grant the President so-called Trade Promotion Authority (TPA). Armed with TPA, the Administration can negotiate free trade deals which Congress can either approve or reject, but cannot subject to amendment or lengthy analysis. And the new negotiating authority has freed the President to consummate relationships with multiple trading partners.

Just a quick note to congratulate you on the new Pambazuka site and database -- it is brilliant!

I wanted to tell you how much I appreciate Pambazuka News for African news that I would otherwise not have access to. I have been particularly interested in the Niger Delta situation as well as the plight of refugees in Congo-Brazzaville, as I worked with them two years ago. I am doing some research towards a Master of Public Health and am excited about the new database, as it will facilitate the task at hand. Again, thank you for the excellent service you provide to all concerned. I am very grateful for this information.

Halting progress in the world's 49 least developed countries (LDCs) was reported this week to the UN Economic and Social Council, along with a call to set their plight higher on the international agenda. Major challenges cited by UN Under-Secretary-General Anwarul Chowdhury include the widespread prevalence of diseases in the LDCs, slow progress in debt relief and continuing low levels of foreign investment and trade - with 11 per cent of the world population, LDCs account for a bare 0.42 per cent of global trade, he said.

The New Partnership for Africa’s Development is being integrated into the African Union in a three-year programme that seeks to synchronize and harmonize all the structures of the continental body. The NEPAD Secretariat, currently operating independently and hosted by South Africa, is expected to function under the AU Commission in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

Couched in a new framework of interaction between Africa, industrialised countries, and multilateral organisations like the World Bank, the New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad) has been promoted at all major world economic gatherings since its launch in October 2001. At corporate globalisation forums like the G8 meetings, its advocates have likened Nepad to the Marshal Plan that resurrected Europe after World War Two, claiming that Africa's present development status is as a result of insufficient globalisation, and the therapy is to integrate Africa further into the global economy. By this strategy, can Africa truly claim this millennium? Nowhere is an answer more obvious than in the energy sector, the cornerstone of Nepad.

Energy is of premier importance for economic development in Africa. With global business opportunities totalling trillions of dollars, energy is one of the biggest businesses in the world. In particular, energy consumption in developed countries is expected to swell significantly in the years ahead. With these rosy business prospects, Nepad intends to use energy as a launch pad for Africa into the global economy. Against this, and despite the rich and diverse sources of energy on the continent, per capita consumption of energy in Africa is the least in the world, fronting energy poverty at the root cause of underdevelopment. With about 40 to 45% of the 730 million people in Africa living on less than a dollar a day, access, affordability, and efficiency are the tenets on which any strategy that will align Africa's energy economy on a path to sustainable development must be judged.

Although Nepad makes a token reference to the need to guarantee a sustainable supply of affordable energy as the cornerstone for poverty alleviation, projects envisaged to operationalise the goal run opposite to the energy needs of the majority of Africa's inhabitants. The short-term action plan to dually anchor sustainable energy development and serve as building blocks to the realisation of medium to long-term goals are power systems, and oil and gas transmission projects. The power projects include the Mepanda Uncua Hydro Power Plant, Ethiopia-Sudan Interconnection, West Africa Power Pool (WAAP) Program, Algeria-Morocco-Spain Interconnection, Algeria-Spain Interconnection, Algeria Gas-fired Power Station, and the Mozambique-Malawi Interconnection. The gas and oil transmission projects include: the Kenya-Uganda Oil Pipeline, West Africa Gas Pipeline (WAGP), and the Libya-Tunisia Gas Pipeline. Firmed on the profiteering devotion of multinational corporations, are these projects really relevant to Africa's development aspirations? Alternatively, will they actually meet the energy needs and aspirations of present and future generations? This article attempts an answer by calibrating the projects on the following sustainability scales:

AFFORDABILITY: PUTTING PROFITS AHEAD OF PEOPLE

The power projects mentioned highlight an unbowed agenda to centralise the supply of electricity in the continent. The seed capital for these projects is the sweeping wave of privatisation of State Owned Enterprises (SOE's) across Africa. Through policy-based lending, most African countries are subscribing to the dictates of international institutions like the World Bank to open the energy sector to foreign investment through privatisation and deregulation. In these circumstances, electricity is treated as a commodity rather than a public service. Hence, the hallmarks of SOE's such as universal service, non-discriminatory pricing between industrial and residential users, and cross-subsidies to urban poor and rural populations are substituted for full cost recovery, the credo of privatised utilities.

At the same time, and in order to maximise profits, multinational corporations are exploring opportunities to transcend geographical barriers. Anchored in neo-liberalism, the Nepad action plan facilitates the lifting of geographical restrictions on electricity trade across Africa. It is worth noting that this is inimical to the livelihoods of the majority of Africans living below two dollars a day. Besides paying the real cost for electricity, unreliable consumers will be priced out of the grid. In sum, markets and customers in the Nepad action plan take precedence over citizenship.

ACCESSIBILITY: NO ROOM FOR RURAL ELECTRIFICATION

Access to electricity services is a clear marker of the difference between the rich and the poor, between men and women. In fact, 80% of the 500 million Africans without access to electricity live in rural areas. In particular, the rural electrification rate of 16.9% in Africa is the least in the world. The lack of electricity correlates with many indicators of poverty such as poor education, inadequate health care, and hardships imposed on women and children. Electricity services can indeed enhance the quality of life of rural populations in countless ways. For instance: electric light extends the day, providing extra hours for reading and improving exam results in rural areas; refrigeration allows rural clinics to keep needed medicines such as vaccines; and solar dryers can lead to lower post-harvest losses and enable rural farmers to market their produce when prices are higher.

Because of the rates of poverty and low population density in rural areas, relying on grid solutions for lights on is a sure course for lights off. In fact, the energy needs of rural Africa are decentralised. Meeting the energy needs of rural populations requires the exploration of renewable energy sources. In contrast, the Nepad action plan prioritises the centralisation of power supply, the opposite of the decentralised energy needs of rural masses. Driven by profits, privatised utilities have no incentive to extend networks to rural areas, unless government subsidies make up for the financial loses and provide an attractive margin of profit. It is worth noting that the neo-liberal fountain from which Nepad draws its viability is at odds with subsidies. In fact, governments are compelled to shirk their social responsibilities thereby leaving rural populations permanently unconnected to the grid.

EFFICIENCY: PRIVATISATION OF BENEFITS AND SOCIALISATION OF RISKS

The Nepad action plan is based on a resource-led development approach which prioritises the extractive industry sector, paving the way for criss-crossing oil and gas transmission pipelines. The capital intensive nature of these projects is beyond the purse of African states; and the action plan intends to facilitate the establishment of policies and institutional framework favourable for multinational corporations to invest. This could include favourable contractual risk guarantees that profits are placed ahead of public concerns and generous tax exoneration provisions. But the fact is that oil mining does not equate with the prosperity the international financial institutions give it credit for. Even though Nigeria ranks seventh in terms of world oil production, she tailed the human development report in 2002. Another point that cannot escape attention, particularly in the context of the present US-led war against terrorism, is the potential millitarisation of pipeline routes and the inevitable impact on the human rights of nearby communities. Envisaged power projects will significantly impact on the livelihood development of communities. For example, the Mepanda Uncua Hydropower Project will lead to the construction of a 100 square kilometre reservoir that is going to displace 1400 people, while floods are expected to impact on further thousands.

I wouldn't like to conclude without resuscitating the focus of this article: Is Nepad worth its value in sustainable development? Calibrated on the aforementioned points, it is hard to answer in the affirmative. In addition, credence for this pessimism roots in Nepad's engagement with civil society organisations in Africa, international social labour, and environmental movements. In obviating the contributions of these actors, who in their struggle for socio-environmental and economic justice have been able to bring about a modicum of progressive global change, Nepad fails to differ from other multinational corporations' designs to mine Africa's resources and maim its people. Is this the price to be paid in order for Africa to claim this millennium?

* Akong Charles Ndika is an Energy Policy Analyst with Global Village Cameroon.

* Please send comments for publication in the Letters and Comments section of Pambazuka News to editor@pambazuka.org

Especially since the mid-1990s, Southern African civil society organisations have consistently campaigned against poverty and for policy and governance transformation towards defined social development objectives. The Millennium Development Goals correspond directly with the objectives of civil society organisations that have been active in social and economic justice advocacy work in the region. However, Southern African civil society organisations have either ignored or been slow in taking up the Millennium Development Goals framework in their research, service provision, community organisation, and advocacy work. Meanwhile, there is increasing coordinated research, education, and advocacy work beginning to happen among Southern African civil society organisations in regard to the New Partnership for Africa's Development and the African Union.

"Even though some of NEPAD's stated goals may be well intentioned, the development vision and economic measures that it puts across for the realizations of these goals are either flawed in that they do not reflect the problems affecting Africans in general and workers in particular or makes heavy reliance on past discredited IMF, World Bank programmes. As a result, NEPAD in its present form does not and will not contribute to making Africa a better place for the average worker. It does not explicitly recognize the role of the worker in development; neither does it explicitly uphold the rights of the worker throughout its deliberations. It relies on the assumption that NEPAD's benefit to the worker can only come through indirect "trickle down" effects. This has not worked in the past (under IMF, World Bank programmes) and there is no reason to expect that it will work now."

The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), on the eve of the Assembly of Heads of State at the African Union (AU) summit in Maputo, Mozambique, expressed "deep concern" over the state of press freedom in Africa. "We are dismayed that the issue of press freedom does not appear on the conference agenda. As long as journalists' rights are suppressed, and they are not free to report on official injustices, such as corruption and other hindrances to development, the AU will not be able to fulfil its mandate," said the CPJ.

As you probably know, this week George Bush is visiting Africa. Starting with Senegal, he arrived this morning at 7.20 PM and left at 1.30 PM. Let me share with you what we have been through since last week: More than 1,500 persons have been arrested and put in jail between Thursday and Monday. Hopefully they will be released now that the Big Man is gone; The US Army's planes flying day and night over Dakar. The noise they make is so loud that one hardly sleeps at night; About 700 security people from the US were here for Bush's security, with their dogs, and their cars. Senegalese security forces were not allowed to come near the US president; All trees in places where Bush will pass have been cut. Some of them have been there for more than 100 years; All roads going down town (were hospitals, businesses, schools are located) were closed from Monday night to Tuesday at 3 PM. This means that we could not go to our offices or schools. Sick people were also obliged to stay at home; National exams for high schools that started on Monday are postponed until Wednesday.

Congratulations on the launch of Pambazuka News (online database) and thank-you for including me in your mailing list. The weekly summary appears to be comprehensive and exhaustive with the many challenges which face the African continent. My best wishes and I look forward to keeping abreast of African news and hopefully peace and progress.

The Development Law and Social Justice Programme is an academic programme aimed at strengthening capacity for lobbying, advocacy and networking on human rights issues. It brings together experienced human rights activists, legal practitioners, jurists, academics and human rights policy makers and facilitates their sharing of experiences and strategies. The Development Law and Social Justice Programme covers core issues in human rights. These include legal resources and political instruments of an international and regional nature and the role of various state and non-state actors in shaping international and regional human rights policies. They also include collective rights such as those of women, children, minorities and indigenous peoples and state responsibility for protecting them, and various strategies for strengthening human rights advocacy, education, communication and resource mobilisation.

SNV Netherlands Development Organisation focuses on strengthening middle level organisations in local government, private sector and civil society. “Building Advisory Practice” (BAP) is a new initiative by the SNV country programmes in Eastern Africa to examine the ways we assist our partners and clients to become stronger institutions and better at reaching their goals and objectives. Countries involved in the initiative are Tanzania, Rwanda, Uganda, Kenya and Ethiopia. Based on preliminary case studies developed during the BAP start-up phase, the initiative will now focus on developing knowledge products that will guide efforts to improve the quality of services. SNV will engage several experts/writers to execute this process. Their main task will be to produce three booklets, involving assessment of current materials, further research and consultations. They may also contribute to production of other materials as needed. The assignment will involve travel to the different countries.

Hosted by the Governance Resource Centre (GRC) of the UK Department for International Development, and compiled by leading international experts, the GRC Exchange provides a focal point for sharing ideas and experience in governance. Information services include: Governance Theme pages – key texts and resources exploring the key governance themes and cross-cutting issues; Information Database – summaries of and access to the best writing in governance.

The African Union's new ambassador for Southern Africa is none other than Robert Mugabe. The AU summit held in Mozambique at the weekend provided an opportunity for Africa to show a commitment to its noble ideals. But it ended on an anticlimax, some observed, with no discussion on the political situation in strife-torn Zimbabwe. While some opposition politicians were "galled" by the election of Mugabe as one of the AU's five vice-chairpersons, others declared themselves "content".

A fraudulent aids policy aimed at advancing a neo-colonial agenda was championed, U.S. corporate interests were advanced through the touting of a free trade agreement and the primacy of access to oil over democratic rights was made clear - these were the core issues of the recent visit to Africa by U.S president George W. Bush, according to the World Socialist Web Site.

Journal of Peace building and Development, a new tri-annual refereed journal providing a forum for the sharing of critical thinking and constructive action on issues at the intersections of conflict, development, and peace, is calling for papers for its first issue. This volume IV will endeavour to capture and examine critical peace building and development topics and questions that challenge our era in the African context. Please click on the link for more information.