Over the past few eventful days, dozens of activists from South Africa have been on the streets of Cancun, Mexico, immersed amongst thousands of small farmers and fisher people from all over the world. What is amazing and inspiring is that the many colourful banners and placards, flags and chants, songs and drumming, each with their distinctive cultural characteristics, all carry similar messages against the World Trade Organisation, against the unjust and destructive economic system it is being used for, against the damages to the world environment, to peoples livelihoods and to their very lives - as expressed so dramatically in the symbolic suicide of the Korean farmer, Lee Kyung Hae.

Struggle leaders on Monday called on the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu), in word and song, to ensure that the African National Congress won the third democratic elections next year. Addressing delegates at Cosatu's eighth national congress in Midrand, former president Nelson Mandela said: "I'm confident that the ANC is going to lead this country for a long time to come.”

Deputy President Jacob Zuma's bid for a court order to get hold of a document allegedly implicating him in a bribe suffered a major setback on Monday. Pretoria High Court Judge Jerry Shongwe struck the matter off the roll due to lack of urgency and instructed Zuma to pay the legal costs of the respondents - the national director of public prosecutions, the National Prosecuting Authority and the Scorpions.

I thought the editorial by Ezekiel Pajibo in your latest newsletter was excellent.

As part of the Kenyan government's efforts to regain vast wealth stolen by corrupt officials and politicians, it is encouraging "whistle blowers" to come forward with information, Assistant Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs, Robinson Githae, told a conference on Friday. He said people giving evidence would receive "protection" and that they should approach either the Ministry of Justice, the Attorney General or the Anti-Corruption police directly.

The employment of militarism by the U.S. as a means to seek and establish power and control is a troubling phenomenon for African democratic movements, which are struggling against regimes that came to power through military means and have relied on their monopoly of the means of violence to maintain power. For Africa, this paradigmatic shift is problematic given the prevalence of on the continent. Moreover, the economic implications of the Iraq war present troubling prospects for Africa's efforts to combat poverty. Amongst African social movements there is much agreement that the US war in Iraq had nothing to do with Iraq's possession of weapons of mass destruction, Iraqi support for Al Queda, or Iraqi role in 'terrorism', specifically 11 September. Neither was it been about Iraqi threats to international stability or liberating the people of Iraq. What the war is about, which has not been stated by the dominant media – primarily British and U.S.-owned – is money, power and control. The invasion and occupation of Iraq provides us with the latest and most graphic illustration of how these variables underpin action.

ABOUT MONEY: Some suggest the key motive was the Bush administration's goal of preventing further Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) movement towards the Euro as an oil transaction currency standard. Another monetary cause of the war concerns US corporate interests. American corporations have been jockeying for contracts to rebuild the country following the massive destruction of its infrastructure.

ABOUT POWER: Since the horrific 11 September attacks on the United States, the Bush Administration has sought to garner the international sympathy it engendered to clearly assert its hegemony to cajole and in some cases coerce other nations into supporting the promulgation and militarization of US national interests globally.

ABOUT CONTROL: US invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq is part and parcel of its ambition to control political and economic developments in the Middle East.

IMPLICATIONS FOR AFRICA

We are witnessing the manifestations of the new world (dis)order in which the US can pursue its national interests irrespective of international disapproval and opposition. What does this portend for Africans struggling to end dictatorships on the continent, particularly where desired changes may not include the free market ideology that characterises America's dominant vision? Moreover, what can Africans, who struggle daily under repressive regimes, do or say to 'shame' their leaders into behaving decently if not honourably? If the US can ride over agreed tenets of democratic governance and international law to achieve a much disputed objective, is there not increased legitimacy for tin pot dictators in Africa to characterise every real and perceived enemy as a 'terrorist' and therefore justify violent treatment against them? Already we have witnessed this in a number of African countries – Liberia and Uganda for example.

A second implication of the war in Iraq for Africa is the simple notion that the US will go to extensive lengths to assure its access to oil. It has been suggested that Africa will become a leading exporter of oil to the US. One only has to see the pauperisation of Nigeria, the wretchedness of Angola and the lack of democracy and respect for civil liberties in Gabon to understand the contention that this will lead to more misery. The U.S. Department of Defence is 'reportedly considering redeploying American troops to protect key oil reserves in Africa, particularly Nigeria'. One wonders what these troops will do there to protect US national (i.e. oil) interests. Will they shoot protesting Nigerian women, workers and inhabitants of the Niger Delta who are asking that proceeds from oil revenues be invested in social services?

A third implication might be considered one of declining shares of relief and humanitarian assistance. Humanitarian relief agencies are already stating the well versed and practiced double standard in the allocation of relief assistance. In the words of James Morris, the Executive Director of the World Food Program:

“As much as I don't like it, I cannot escape the thought that we have a double standard. How is it we routinely accept a level of suffering and hopelessness in Africa we would never accept in any other part of the world? We simply cannot let this stand.”

But it will stand! In the recently released 2003 World Development Indicators, the World Bank reported that Sub-Saharan Africa, unlike other regions of the world such as Asia and Eastern Europe and contrary to the targets of the Millennium Development Goals (a set of targets set by the United Nations to halve poverty by the year 2015), will witness an increment in the number of people living in poverty. Whereas:

“…the number of impoverished people in the world was forecast to drop from 1.29 billion people, or 29.6% in 1990, to 809 million, or 13.3% in 2015… in sub-Saharan Africa, the number of impoverished people would swell from 315 million in 1990 to 404 million in 2015.”

In addition to the economic factors that are likely to keep Africa in poverty - including structural adjustment type policies of the international financial institutions, unequal trade relations between Africa and the developed world, and Africa's debt overhang – other likely factors include the numerous civil conflicts, the widespread lack of democratic governance on the continent and the global propensity towards militarization.

The U.S. is seeking the cancellation of Iraq's $127 billion debt as part of Iraq's reconstruction. This amazing figure should be compared with the $40 billion for 26 highly indebted poor countries, most of which are in Africa, that the US has agreed along with the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to cancel. Even more shocking is the fact that over $80 billion was relatively easily mobilised to intervene in Iraq and destroy much vital infrastructure. $50 billion required to achieve the millennium development goals globally can somehow not be located.

It is clear that while the US pursues its stated mission to 'liberate' Iraq, much of the world - particularly those of us in Africa - recognize that this war is not about making the world safe for 'democracy' or ensuring the security of the majority of Africans who live in hellish conditions on the continent. Rather, it is about the projection of U.S. military power and its assertion of imperial control. The lives of Africans can only be worsened by these actions. It becomes compelling that African leaders and people must, out of necessity, oppose U.S. aggression and occupation of Iraq, and other pursuits of U.S. national interest cloaked as 'international' security. It is of some comfort that two African Presidents, Thabo Mbeki of South Africa and Olusegun Obassanjo of Nigeria, got it right in opposing the war. Do they have the requisite spine to hold their grounds? We are not holding our breath.

* Ezekiel Pajibo is a Liberian independent researcher and analyst of Africa policy issues who lives in Harare, Zimbabwe.

* Please send comments on this editorial to

This is an edited version of a larger briefing in the Journal of Peacebuilding and Development Volume 1 Number 2, 2003. ISSN 1542-3166 JPD is a new tri-annual refereed Journal providing a forum for the sharing of critical thinking and constructive action on issues at the intersections of conflict, development and peace.

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Cotton farmers in Burkina Faso have sent a 100,000-signature petition, through their delegation, to the World Trade Organisation summit, which kicked off in Cancun, Mexico this week. Unable to travel to Mexico, the farmers hope that their demands to eliminate the cotton subsidies, being enjoyed by their counterparts in wealthy nations, would be taken seriously at the WTO negotiations in Cancun on Sep. 10-14.

There is much that is comical in our new Kenya; but the nature of comical statements is often something that invites threats.Years ago, when the late Kariuki Chotara, a Kenyan politician, wanted ìKaro Maxî arrested and detained, we laughed - but this sort of cowboy narrow-mindedness lead to a purge of writers, free-speakers and thinkers that Kenya is still recovering from.

Now a new one: that Chinua Achebe is a pornographer. His book, A Man of the people, which is taught in schools to 16-18 year olds, stands accused by the Catholic Church lobby group and several parents groups. (see http://www.pambazuka.org/newsletter.php? id=16939)

My organisation, kwani? wishes to solicit commentary from writers and writers organisations so we can use this to prevent any action being taken to remove this book, and the other books under threat. We hope to have edited comments published in one of our national newspapers: the East African or The Sunday Standard.

We would need such submissions in by Monday the 15th of September 2003. We will also put up these comments on our website www.kwani.org We are also trying to get in touch with Mr. Achebe urgently so he may give his views on the matter.

Please forward this to any writers or lovers of free speech that you know.

FAHAMU RESPONDS: Fahamu condemns attempts to have three books withdrawn from the school syllabus on the grounds that they are "morally objectionable."

The books are Chinua Achebe's "A Man of the People" and S. A Mohammed's "Kiu" and "Kitumbua Kimeingia Mchanga" - all set-books for the Kenya Certificate of Secondary Education Examinations (KCSE).

Those who want the books removed claim they are sexually explicit and contain pornographic material.

Fahamu would like to point out that Achebe is one of the greatest writers ever to come out of Africa. His book "A Man of the People" was published in 1966 and describes a fictional post-colonial African state. It tackles the issues of political representation in a corrupt state and the problems of an ethnically diverse, economically stratified nation. The other two books are in Kiswahili, the Kenyan national language. All three titles are noted principally for their socially redeeming themes, which is why they were chosen as literary set-books.

Fahamu believes that the banning of the books would set a dangerous precedent and damage fundamental principles related to freedom of expression and the spread of ideas. We support the efforts of education and literary interests opposed to the banning of the books. Fahamu calls on all Pambazuka readers to send letters of solidarity

Deputy President Jacob Zuma appeared in an upbeat mood on Tuesday when he faced questions by MPs in the National Council of Provinces, saying there was no reason for him to step down from his position. Zuma has been dogged by controversy since National Director of Public Prosecution Bulelani Ngcuka announced that Zuma would not face prosecution for anything related to the multimillion-rand arms deal, despite there being prima facie evidence against him. The deputy president has accused Ngcuka of finding him guilty of corruption without having the necessary evidence.

This sign on campaign demands that the World Bank and International Monetary Fund: Open all World Bank and IMF meetings to the media and the public; Cancel all impoverished country debt to the World Bank and IMF, using the institutions' own resources; End all World Bank and IMF policies that hinder people's access to food, clean water, shelter, health care, education, and right to organize; Stop all World Bank support for socially and environmentally destructive projects such as oil, gas, and mining activities, and all support for projects such as dams that include forced relocation of people.

Business Day reports that Minister of Social Development, Dr Zola Skweyiya, has ordered an investigation into allegations of irregular financial management and recruitment practices at the National Development Agency (NDA). The allegations surfaced after former Pan-Africanist Congress general secretary, Thami ka Plaatjie, was appointed to the agency.

One of the pledges that the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) government made when it came to power at the end of 2002 was to fight corruption in every way possible. It was with this in mind that President Mwai Kibaki appointed the Goldenberg Commission of Inquiry on Feb. 24 this year. The commission was charged with fully investigating the Goldenberg export compensation scandal, which cost Kenya billions of shillings in the early 1990s when billions in Kenyan shillings was looted from the country’s Central Bank through billionaire Kamlesh Pattni’s Exchange Bank in 1991. As the inquiry has progressed, former president Danial arap Moi, his two sons and a daughter, as well as a host of high-ranking Kenyans, have been implicated.

Is there evidence that democracy is needed to sustain economic growth? What are the links between good governance and the Millenium Development Goals (MDGs)? Could international institutions benefit from an injection of democracy?

Why has aid failed to achieve development? Should other forms of financing for development (FfD) be emphasised instead for narrowing the wealth and income gaps between developing and developed countries? Are developed countries and international financial institutions (IFIs) doing enough to help developing countries mobilise domestic resources, encourage foreign investment and expand earnings from trade?

The Civil Society Forum says two Cabinet ministers allegedly implicated in corrupt deals should be suspended pending investigations. Executive Director of Transparency International Gladwell Otieno asked President Kibaki to immediately suspend Ministers Karisa Maitha and Ali Mwakwere.

Charles G. Taylor, who was forced out as president of Liberia on August 11 and flew to exile in Nigeria, took with him $3 million donated for disarming and demobilizing thousands of armed combatants, a senior United Nations official says. The sum is roughly equal to six months of current government revenues in Liberia, by any measure one of the poorest nations on earth.

Our lives are all affected by three hugely powerful and well financed, but undemocratic, organisations: the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the World Trade Organisation. These institutions share, with minor differences, a common ideology. They aggressively promote a very particular kind of 'corporate' capitalism, neoliberalism, giving free rein across the world to the interests of a small number of huge, undemocratic and largely unregulated transnational corporations. This book presents the history and fundamental ideas of this economic ideology. Describing each member of the 'unholy trinity', it shows how neoliberalism hijacked the IMF, World Bank and WTO in relation to their global financial, development and trade management roles.

A UN-appointed independent expert on human rights for Somalia has said that appalling conditions in camps for internally displaced people (IDPs) should be tackled urgently. Speaking at the end of an 11-day mission to Somalia, Dr Ghanim Alnajjar called on the international community, local authorities and civil society groups to address the issue, according to a press statement from the UN Resident & Humanitarian Coordinator’s Office for Somalia.

The transformation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to the African Union (AU) and the adoption of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) have raised expectations of renewed commitment by African Heads of State to better governance and enhanced human security for the continent. Most of these commitments, to human rights, democracy, peace and security, have been chronicled before in the protocols, declarations and decisions of the OAU from 1963-2002.

One of the most significant differences between the OAU commitments and those of the AU and NEPAD, is that the new initiatives make provision for monitoring mechanisms and review of implementation of these decisions. There is also specific provision for greater popular participation and recognition of the need for civil society engagement in the policy-making and implementation of AU programmes, including NEPAD. Civil society organisations need to meet their governments half way, accepting the offer of greater engagement in public policy-making and pushing the boundaries of this opportunity.

Countries that accede to the NEPAD African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) voluntarily commit to specific benchmarks and standards contained in a memorandum of understanding. AU institutions such as the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the Pan-African Parliament and ECOSOCC have been tasked with the political governance component of peer review. Rather than wait for the necessarily lengthy process to capacitate and/or establish these AU institutions, relying on governments to monitor or learn from one another, this project consists of a core network of 7 established African NGOs to embark upon a process of benchmarking the performance of key African governments in respect of human security issues, measured against the commitments taken at the level at OAU/AU heads of state meetings. The network will review commitments in the areas of democracy and governance, human rights, corruption, civil society engagement, conflict resolution and peacekeeping, arms management, terrorism and organised crime.

It is a one year pilot project that will begin by reviewing eight of the countries that have already acceded to the APRM, namely Algeria, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa and Uganda. The initial partners are: African Security Dialogue and Research (ASDR), African Peace Forum (APF), Institute for Human Rights and Development in Africa, Institute for Security Studies (ISS), Southern Africa Human Rights Trust (SAHRIT), Southern Africa Institute for International Affairs (SAIIA), and the West African Network for Peace (WANEP). The project is funded by the UK Department for International Development (DFID). For more information visit our website:

The government has rejected as "blatant lies" questions raised this week about President Thabo Mbeki's role in South Africa's multibillion-rand arms deal. It said on Thursday the claims made by Independent Democratic Party leader Patricia de Lille had no substance. "She is regurgitating baseless allegations," the Government Communication and Information System (GCIS) said in a statement.